Economics of Badis Prostitution:
Practices Amongst Badis Women
Go to article: Report: Dignity for Badis Women (2005)
Go to article: Badis Women and Prostitution (2004)
Go to article: Maoists Beat Badis Prostitutes(2006)
Go to article: HIV, Prostitution, and Caste System (1994)
Go to article: Economics of Badis Prostitution (1993)
Go to article: History of the Badis People
1992 - Of those interviewed, 46% were between 13 and 20 years of age (Table 1). Thirty-five percent were between 21 and 24 years of age. The same group was interviewed about the duration (in years) as prostitutes. More than two-thirds (70%) indicated having worked as prostitutes for one to 5 years (Table 2). About one-third (30%) indicated they had been practising sex for more than 5 years.
Although Badi prostitutes are part of the lowest, or 'untouchable' caste, they have nevertheless developed a sliding fee scale for the types of customers they serve. They recognize four categories of customers, with the lowest fee charged to relatively poor 'Rickshaw Drivers', and the highest fee reserved for 'Politicians' (Table 3).
Table 1. Age groups of Badi women practising sex
Age group No. %
13-20 21 46
21-24 16 35
25-30 7 15
31-40 2 4
Total 46 100
Table 2. Duration of sex practice among Badi women
Years No. %
Less than 1 8 17
1-5 years 24 53
5-10 years 8 17
More than 10 8 17
Total 46 100
The number of customers per day also varied widely among Badi prostitutes. Of 46 respondents, 28 (61%) indicated that they see one to 2 clients per day (Table 4). Five respondents (11%) indicated an average of 4 to 5 customers per day.
An observation which resulted from Focus Group discussions among the Badi concerns sex and pregnancy. Practising sex up to about the sixth month of pregnancy is accepted.
When asked about the nationality of their clients, all respondents (46) reported that their clients are almost all Nepali or Indian nationals. This is probably due to the fact that the Badi, in spite of their seasonal migration, are usually near the Indian-Nepal border. This is an open border by mutual agreement between the 2 countries, and no papers or documents are required by nationals of either country.
Table 3. Customer categories and fees charged by Badi prostitutes
Type of Customer Fee (in local rupees)
1. Politician 50 and higher
2. Government employees 35-100
3. Students 15-35
4. Rickshaw drivers 15-35
Table 4. Number of clients per day seen by Badi prostitutes
No. of client per day Respondents %
1-2 28 61
3-4 11 24
4-5 5 11
Not having sex 2 4
Totals 46 100
Two of the 46 respondents indicated that they have had clients from other countries, including Europeans, as well as clients from other Asian countries.
One of the most interesting observations to date about the Badi concerns the often lavish marriage ceremony' for young Badi girls at menarche. In this ritual, a customer pays a high fee for the Badi 'bride' who is virgin. Following the 'ceremony' (which is attended by many members of the community), the couple remain 'married' until the following day when each of them go their separate ways and may never meet again. After this, the Badi girls enters the sex trade on an equal basis with other Badi women.
Drugs and alcohol
Frequent use of drugs and alcohol also seems to be common among Badi prostitutes; 32 of 36 respondents (89%) indicated that they frequently used cannabis (marijuana) or alcohol during working hours (mainly evenings). There was no indication of drug infecting.
Family planning
Focus Group discussions among the Badi also indicated that family planning is not a priority. This is because the Badi view female offspring as future economic security as prostitutes. Male offspring are still accepted, but are not considered as desirable as females.
Badi women are also aware of condoms, mainly due to the past efforts of nationally based family planning programmes. But their preference is not to use condoms unless the client insists. When questioned about the non-use of condoms, Badi women again stated the desirability of pregnancy and the resulting possibility of more female sex workers within the family.
Sexually transmitted diseases
Many Badi women (over half), indicated that they suffer from chronic STD problems. Vaginal discharge was the most common complaint.
Of 228 Badi women who consented to voluntary anonymous VDRL testing, 154 (70%) were found VDRL positives. 6 When asked about treatment for STDs, most women interviewed indicated that self treatment was the norm for the community. This treatment consisted of one or 2 days of an antibiotic (like ampicillin), which is commonly available over the counter in local drug shops. Such self-treatment may result in resistance to antibiotics occurring for such sexually transmitted diseases an gonorrhea and chancroid. Some Badi women also reported seeking out traditional healers in their attempts to treat STDs.
Some Badi women reported that they practise self hygiene through douching; 35 of 42 interviewed (83%) indicated that they commonly use Dettol as a douche. The remaining 7 (17%) reported using a water douche when necessary.
HIV prevalence
Following the provision of information about STDs in general and AIDS specifically, Badi sex workers were asked if they would agree to be tested for HIV prevalence. Nearly all agreed. Testing was unlinked and anonymous, and the ELISA method was used to determine positivity for HIV-1.
A total of 250 serum samples were collected. On first ELISA no positives were found for HIV -1. This was lower than expected, as point prevalence among prostitutes in Pattern III countries as currently estimated at 12%. 7
Discussion
Over the past several years, rates of HIV infection among prostitutes have been the subject of intense study. Rates of HIV infection among prostitutes have been established as high as 65% in some countries8. Surveillance in other countries within the region, such as Thailand, have indicated that prevalence rates are highest among low class prostitutes.
In India, which borders Nepal, and from where Badi prostitutes report half of their clients originate. estimates of HIV infection vary widely. Among STD attenders in India, HIV prevalence has been shown at 0.4% or higher9. Official estimates in India now indicate that HIV infection among the general population may exceed 300 000, and that there may be more than 6000 new infections per month resulting from prostitution in Bombay alone.10
The implications of these facts are obvious for the Badi people of Nepal. While the Badi prostitutes of Nepal may be uninfected with HIV at the moment, the AIDS epidemic is now geographically close and time is probably running out. The existence of a 70% rate of VDRL combined with other chronic STDs greatly accelerate the rate of HIV infection within this group , probably in the near future. The abundance of overland truck routes will no doubt be a significant factor in carrying the HIV virus from the large cities in the South.
Once the virus does enter this group, the Badi people and their culture could be devastated , probably within a decade or less.
Also , one must be cautious in assuming that the introduction of 'alternate' skills and training will enable Badi prostitutes to modify high risk behaviour, or leave the profession altogether. There is some evidence that counselling alone may have little or no effect in getting prostitutes to leave their profession, even after they have become HIV infected.11
There is also some evidence that despite efforts at training and providing alternative employment to Badi prostitutes, they return to their practice in a short time.12
Many important questions remain to be addressed concerning prostitution among the Badi people. For example, because of the high value the Badi place on fertility what implications might this have in terns of perinatal transmission of HIV-1 in the near future ?
More visits to the Badi communities are being planned to provide additional education, information, counselling and condoms to Badi prostitutes While these Nepalese women are apparently free of HIV infection at the moment, they still do not appreciate how destructive the AIDS epidemic will become to their way of life , or that the virus may have already arrived.
References
1 Gurung GM. Prostitution as a way of life. A note on the Badis. The Kathmandu Review 1982,2(7):5-8
2 Shrestha RL, Yami H. Prostitution in relation to socio-economic strategies and health problems: A case study of the Badi community. Kathmandu, Nepal: The Center for Women and Development, 1991
3 Mariasy J, Thomas L, Radlett M. Triple jeopardy: Women and AIDS. Lonson: Panos Institute , 1990:vii
Piot P, Tezzo R the epidemiology of HIV and other sexually transmitted infectons in the developing world. Scand J Infect Dis 1990; Suppl 69:89-97
5 World Health Organization, Regional Office for South East Asia. Regional plan for surveillance of HIV infection. New Delhi: WHO, 1991
6 Bhatt P, Gurubacharya VL , Vadies E, Twose N, Peak A. Education and condom promotion among sex workers in Nepal. The 2nd International Congress on AIDS in Asia and the Pacific. Abstracts. New Delhi: 1992: 94 [in press]
7 Chin J. Public health surveillance of AIDS and HIV infections. Bull WHO 1992;68(5)
8 Gillies P, Carballo M. Adult perception of risk behaviour and HIV/AIDS: a focus for intervention and research . AIDS 1990;4:946
9 Mathai R, Prasad M, Mary Jacob P, Babu G, John J, HIV seropositivity among patients with sexually transmitted disease in Vellore. Ind j Med Res 1991;239
10 McDermott J. Testimony before The United States. House of Representatives , Subcommittee On Health and The Environment , Washington , D.C.( The Rising Nepal). Kathmandu: June 8, 1991:6
11 Manaloto CR, Hayes CG, Padre LP, et al. Sexual behaviour of filipino female prostitutes after diagnosis of HIV infection. Southeast Asian Trop Med Public Health 1990; 21: 301-305
12 Op Cit, Shrestha, p.17
(Accepted 22 June 1993)
Originally published in the International journal of STD & AIDS 1993; 4: 280-283, Royal Society of Medicine
© Royal Society of Medicine Press Ltd. All rights reserved. Reprinted with kind permission from the copyright holder.
